Alex Short
Professor Ishiguro
Dance as Cultural Knowledge: Dances of Indonesia
9/30/2020
Sharing the Spotlight
In Central Javanese court dance, the best way to stand out is to blend in. This is because the most proficient dancers are those who can make a group of performers appear to be a unified entity that moves as one. As a result, court dancers are measured by their cohesiveness, rather than by singular style and ability. Most court dance is intended for groups, and there is very rarely any solo dance performance. In Central Java, dance is about much more than just the individual, a precedent that fosters selflessness and harmony. This priority of the group over a sole person is a pillar of Javanese culture. Collectivism is considered so essential to a Javanese way of life that it appears in dance. In Central Java, “most court dances are group dances, which carry more prestige and social value” (Hughes-Freeland page 37). This is a stark contrast to Western dance culture, where company members compete for solo pieces. In fact, in Javanese culture, there are only two forms of individual court dance, called Klana and Golek. These dances “were not included in the court repertoire until the 1930s” (Hughes-Freeland page 37). Solo dances are by no means the most popular or praised of the court dances, and were not even originally featured in the court. Furthermore, the solo dances are considered to be much less challenging and refined. Again, this a significant departure from Western dance, where principal dancers reign supreme, and are revered as the most technically advanced company members.
The difference in self-prioritization between the West and Central Java is visible in more than just dance style. Many values and characteristics of Javanese culture spill over from life into court dance. This community-based ideology is no exception. Often in Javanese life, the group is prioritized over the self. Perhaps the most poignant example of this philosophy is the existence of Kampungs. Kampungs are neighborhood communities in urban Yogyakarta (a major city within Central Java). The residents are incredibly close, and Kampungs “provide a sense of belonging” (Hughes-Freeland page 8). This notion of kinship is comparable to that demonstrated by group dance. Members of a Kampung are expected to host social gatherings, participate in neighborhood watch, and treat their neighbors with respect and kindness. Fulfilling these responsibilities is considered noble and far more honorable than looking out for one’s own self interest within the community. Similarly, dancers are thought to be more gifted when they can meet their own duties within a dance group, rather than focusing only on themselves.
Additionally, a major element of court dance is the advancement of one’s rasa. Rasa is defined as “taste, feeling inner experience, deepest meaning, essence,” (Hughes-Freeland page 78) and is considered essential to a balanced life. Rasa is an integral part of, and reason for, court dance. One of the most effective ways to connect with one’s rasa is through dance; dance is referred to as “an education in rasa” (Hughes-Freeland page 78). Due to its nature as an embodied practice, the process of learning and performing court dance is a physical representation of one’s journey in spiritual discipline. In other words, external bodily actions can help people visualize their internal feelings. In addition, the style of court dance and how it’s taught is incredibly conducive to strengthening rasa. Court dance education is strict and precise, just like the dance form itself. “In the Javanese context, rasa is important in an ethnographically grounded approach to the body for understanding embodied practice. The embodied self is a starting point for understanding dance” (Hughes-Freeland page 79). Here, Hughes-Freeland demonstrates the importance of rasa to participating in and understanding the meaning behind court dance.
Rasa can only be achieved in dance through looking past one’s own physical being and desires. Rasa is not merely self-awareness, but instead “refers to a third level of being in a relation with God” (Hughes-Freeland page 81). The emphasis is not on personal, earthly exploration. It is instead based on spiritual understanding. Court dance cannot be confined to merely bodily experience, because it is apart of something much broader. The individual is learning how to contribute meaningfully to their religious beliefs. More eloquently, “Dance is the shadow of the moving of your mind; the gods are in your own body, in your rasa” (Hughes-Freeland page 80). Pride and a desire to be seen aren’t what motivates a dancer. It’s their rasa and their connection to the gods that inspires them. Once again, we see one sacrificing vanity and selfishness in favor of a larger power or cause, in this case spirituality. Artists in Western dance culture are often regarded as being driven by a need for attention, and a determination to be the best. That is clearly not the case here, as self-improvement is the foundation of the Javanese dance style. With Western dance, in most cases the highest possible honor is performing solo. In the courts of Java, it’s achieving spiritual enlightenment. That’s not to imply that non-Javanese dancers are overly conceited or cutthroat, merely to juxtapose the two incentives.
Court dance, and by extension Javanese culture as a whole, is more than physical embodiment and solitary experience. It is about cultivating a collaborative state of being that includes both oneself, one’s community, and one’s God. Furthermore, it is putting that unified entity ahead of one’s own self.
Works Cited
Hughes-Freeland, Felicia. Embodied Communities: Dance Traditions and Change in Java. Berghahn Books, 2011.
